Food Sovereignty: putting farmers back in control
Colombo’s Mayor, Rosy Senanayake, has cautioned that Colombo
might run out of food by September. The
Prime Minister has warned that we Sri Lankans will not be able to eat three
meals a day for too long. Meanwhile Colombo clubs continue their invites for
Special Mongolian dinner nights, traditional yellow rice Sunday lunches and
weekend starter breakfasts and a leading
local cosmetic firm launches a skin care product for all women in Sri Lanka
using our heirloom rice as their main ingredient!
Thinking about these contradictions, the impending food
shortages, attendant malnutrition and starvation possibly for the first time in
Sri Lanka, I am struck by a global news item that says that Africa could also
be facing the spectre of famine, not because of droughts, or failed harvests or
conflicts or bad national policy decisions within the continent, but because of
the Russia-Ukraine war. The
threat is so real that the head
of the African Union and President of Senegal
sought it fit to visit President Vlamidir
Putin in the southwestern Russian city of Sochi to ask him to free up
stocks of cereals and fertilisers, the blockage of which particularly affects
African countries. Meanwhile other
countries are reacting to soaring domestic food prices by banning food exports[1]:
Argentina has banned beef exports, Khazakstan wheat and wheat flour exports,
Indonesia has banned the export of palm
oil and Malaysia’s ban on the export of
chicken has adversely affected neighbouring Singapore[2].
Globalisation seems to be coming apart at its seams. The much-vaunted allocative capacity of
markets and the efficiency of international trade systems that are based on
comparative advantages and specialisation seem to be failing. The COVID 19 pandemic and the invasion of Ukraine
has aggravated what has been going badly wrong with the globalised food system for
sometime. Sri Lanka’s food crisis can be blamed primarily
on some insane government decision-making but what has caused the number of hungry people in the world to
rise from 650 million in 2019 to 811 million in 2020[3]
? And how did this happen at a time when
increases in food production was commensurate with population growth? The old
story that there are too many mouths to feed is not the issue.
Four decades ago Amartya Sen pointed out that the reason for
starvation is lack of access to food and not the lack of food itself. [4]
Globalisation of the food trade has
created this lack of access by removing agency from local farmers and producers
of food and placing control of food systems in the hands of giant food
commodity, chemical and seed companies. Four
corporations control 90% of the global grain trade and they also make
significant trade in seeds, agrochemicals, processing, packing, distribution
and retail. Just four crops – wheat,
rice, maize and soy – account for almost 60% of the calories grown by farmers.
Their production is now highly concentrated in a handful of nations, including
Russia and Ukraine. We could say that there is a Global Standard Diet grown by a
Global Standard Farm, supplied by the same four global corporations with the
same packages of seed, chemicals, and machinery, and vulnerable to the same
environmental shocks.[5]
Farmers’ movements around the world have over the last 15 to 20 years advocated for a more just and equitable global food system that moves away from globalisation to food sovereignty.[6] Food sovereignty goes beyond mere food security (which is limited to the availability of food and people’s ability to access it) and is based on six principles: it focuses on food for people, it values food providers, it localises food systems, it rejects corporate control, builds knowledge and skills and works with nature. Food sovereignty means having the self-respect which comes from self reliance in food production and distribution and for some it conjures a return to an idyllic agrarian past and a localised food system driven by small farmers. Small farmers are a valuable source of global food supply, they produce 30% of the world’s food. However neo-liberal proponents of globalisation would maintain that a localised system would neither provide food security nor meet nutritional needs and that local food production would be vulnerable to crop disease and natural disasters. And in that sense they could well be right.
What we need is not one or the
other but a blueprint for a system of food production that puts farmers (not corporations),
back in control and that allows for an international trade regime that supports
(not exploits) small holder farmers and provides them opportunities to equitably
participate in higher-value export production.
Sri Lanka’s national food production policies since
independence have targeted self-sufficiency at least in rice[7].
Articles written in and around 2015 and 2016 suggest that that we have been
more or less reliant on our own rice production and that given our low
population growth we could meet the domestic demand. According to the Hector Kobekkaduwa Agrarian
Research and Training Institute we were
able to produce 79% of roots and tuber,
30% of pulses and nuts, 82% of vegetables, 83% of fruits, 98% of meat, 100%
eggs, 90% of fish, 81% milk, 98% of oil and fats that we required.[8]
Dr Nimal Sanderatne indicates that even as recently as 2020 “.. with a population of 22 million we
were about self-sufficient in rice and many other foods”[9]
But he, like many other classical economists, extols the virtue of food security suggesting that “the most
food secure countries in the world, Britain,
Singapore and Hong Kong produce little food but are food secure as they have
the capacity to import food”.[10]
When President Maithripala Sirisena assumed office in 2015,
he had an ambitious agricultural plan that reimagined Sri Lanka’s agricultural
future based on the principles of agroecology working towards self-sufficiency
in agricultural production and minimising the use of chemical fertilizer and
pesticides.[11] His plan also discussed the promotion of
traditional seeds, subsidies for organic fertiliser, encouragement of
smallholder farming and improving irrigation systems. MONLAR and Sri Lankan heavy weights like Ray Wijewardene,] and MONLAR’s founder Sarath
Fernando had been advocating this for the longest
time. Vandana
Shiva, whose book Staying
Alive: Women, Ecology and Development inspired me as it did many others, has
been advocating for seed sovereignty since the 1980s and countries such as Ecuador, Venezuela,
Mali, Bolivia, Nepal, Senegal and Egypt have integrated food sovereignty
into their national constitutions or laws
Whether it was because of the political bickering and
struggles for power that plagued the Sirisena Presidency, the lack of support from within his government
which was still keen on models of
economic development based on large-scale commercial agriculture, bureaucratic
inefficiency or the battle between the rights of smallholder farmers and
commercial interests, President Sirisena’s plan scarcely took off. We lost the opportunity to transform our
agriculture and become as he envisaged a
Vasa Visa Nethi Ratak or a ‘toxin-free nation.’ And now, the juvenile decision-making of
our current head of state, has plunged our agricultural production into an
abyss. Post the recent overnight ban on chemical fertiliser, agricultural
yields have dropped to about 30% of the usual output. This is about the same
amount that farmers kept for their own consumption, so while it is unlikely
that there will be widespread hunger and food deprivation within the farming
communities, those who rely on the market for their sustenance, the landless
labourers and the urban poor will suffer the most.
It seems to me that working towards food sovereignty
(not just food security) and creating a more just and sustainable food production
and distribution systems within our country should be the way to go. This would
require extricating our food production and distribution from heavy dependence
on a globalised food system and engaging with global food markets from a
position of strength and on our own terms. Crises often precipitate transformational
change by disrupting the status quo and releasing energy. If we can use the current crisis to
reconsider some of the Vasa Visa Nethi Ratak proposals and others that
will help take us towards this long term goal of food sovereignty, the
difficulties that we see looming ahead of us could be just about bearable
[1] https://www.businessinsider.com/food-protectionism-countries-restrict-exports-security-inflation-wheat-palm-beef-2022-5#5-kazakhstan-has-restricted-wheat-and-wheat-flour-exports-after-domestic-prices-soared-over-30-after-the-ukraine-war-started-6
[2] https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/malaysia-suspends-chicken-exports-amid-rising-food-prices-85104754#:~:text=Malaysia%20typically%20exports%20up%20to%203.6%20million%20chickens,up%20to%2030%25%2C%20sending%20chicken%20dish%20prices%20soaring.
[3] The
banks collapsed in 2008 – and our food system is about to do the same | George
Monbiot | The Guardian 19 May 2022
[5]
ibid
[6] https://www.globaljustice.org.uk/resource/transforming-our-food-system-movement-food-sovereignty/
[8]
Henegedera, G M (2018) Issues in Food Security and Domestic Food Production in
Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka Journal of Economic Research Vol 5(2) March 2018
[9] https://www.sundaytimes.lk/220605/columns/the-frightening-prospect-of-food-insecurity-and-starvation-484779.html
[10]
ibid
[11] https://southasiaviacampesina.org/2016/03/07/a-wholesome-agro-culture-a-healthy-citizenry-a-toxin-free-nation-a-step-forward-to-accept-ecological-agriculture-as-a-policy-in-sri-lanka/
Comments
Post a Comment